I am deeply grateful to the many scholars and friends who generously read earlier drafts of this paper and offered invaluable feedback. While I alone remain responsible for the views expressed and any errors that remain, I especially thank Drs. Youssef Chouhoud, Emad Shahin, Joseph Kaminski, Ovamir Anjum, and Mohammed El-Sayed Bushra, among others. I am also indebted to my colleagues at Ummatics; it is through ongoing dialogue with them that the ideas in this essay have taken shape and matured.
Précis
This paper develops the concept of ummatic soft power as a vital strategy for the Muslim Umma’s revival and global influence. Adapting Joseph Nye’s notion of soft power, it emphasizes cultural appeal, ethical leadership, and intellectual influence to shape narratives and advance collective ummatic interests. The paper identifies eight key domains (religion, culture, law, education, economics, healthcare, media, and technology) as areas to cultivate and project this soft power. It also proposes the formation of decentralized, transnational networks—Collaboratives of Ummatic Soft Power (CUSPs)—to foster cooperation across regions and domains. The approach stresses both vertical integration (linking elites and the general public) and horizontal integration (uniting diverse Muslim communities) as essential for a cohesive Umma. Drawing on examples like consumer boycotts and digital activism, the paper highlights the Umma’s latent influence and calls for strategic coordination to translate this potential into sustainable, impactful, and change on the global stage that is ethically oriented and Islamically grounded.
Introduction
The vision of the Ummatics Institute, as outlined in Dr. Ovamir Anjum’s foundational paper What is Ummatics?, is centered on the revival of the Umma as a global civilization that transcends the divisions imposed by the modern nation-state system.1 This vision proposes a reimagining of Islamic unity, not merely as a political structure but also, more fundamentally, as an organic and intellectually, culturally, and economically integrated global community. This paper aims to explore a crucial first step towards the practical realization of this vision. It addresses a question of critical importance to ummatics: How does a fragmented and disempowered Umma begin to coalesce into a unified force capable of shaping its own destiny?
One of the most strategic and achievable pathways toward the goal of ummatic unity is the development of what I shall call “ummatic soft power” as a means of cultivating global influence through culture, knowledge, economics, and ethical leadership. For political unity to emerge, the Umma must first develop its capacity to shape global narratives, influence societies, and build impactful institutions that command respect and authority. This paper argues that soft power is a crucial element for this process, serving as the foundation upon which a just, stable, and prosperous Islamic civilization can be built. Stated differently, developing and strategically deploying ummatic soft power is a necessary condition for the flourishing of the Umma.
It is not, of course, a sufficient condition; other elements are required as well, such as the fostering of an ummatic consciousness, the discursive integration of the Umma and a shared public sphere, better management of deep differences, and the like.2 However, what is salient about soft power is that while shared consciousness has the capacity to integrate and influence, it remains dormant until mobilized. Soft power comprises the capacity to actualize the potential to shape behaviors and outcomes and requires drawing on the Umma’s varied resources in systematic and strategic ways. The strategy for translating these resources into real influence is central to this paper. Following some basic theorization of the concept of soft power and defining its ummatic instantiation, the crux of the paper offers concrete recommendations for action directed at the global Umma: to begin the work of building eight domain specific collaborative structures of ummatic soft power necessary for the advancement, integration, and consolidation of the Umma.
The Concept of Soft Power
In an era where influence is increasingly determined by perception rather than coercion, soft power has become a fundamental tool for shaping global dynamics. American political scientist Joseph Nye, who first introduced the concept, defines “soft power” as “the ability to affect others to obtain the outcomes one wants through attraction rather than coercion or payment.”3 Unlike hard power, which relies on military force and economic coercion, soft power functions through cultural appeal, ideological influence, and diplomatic legitimacy.
From the perspective of the state, soft power operates in its capacity to shape the preferences and behaviors of other states and institutions by making its own culture, political values, and foreign policies attractive. This influence unfolds through a two-step process: first, the source nation’s soft power appeals to individuals—both the general public and influential elites—in other countries.4 These individuals, swayed by the allure of the source nation’s ideals and practices, may then advocate for or support policies within their own governments and institutions that align with those of the source nation. Consequently, the source nation indirectly influences foreign governments’ actions, not through payment or coercion (“carrot or stick”), but through the power of attraction and persuasion. This mechanism underscores the strategic importance of soft power in international relations, as it enables a state to achieve desired outcomes by shaping the internal dynamics of other states through cultural and ideological appeal.
Notably, although the notion of soft power was originally theorized in the context of states and the international relations of states, it can also be wielded by non-state actors. In today’s global landscape, a wide range of actors including NGOs, corporations, transnational movements, and informal networks, are increasingly capable of exercising soft power.5 These non-state sources of soft power are becoming more significant in the global information age and may even diverge from the goals of official national foreign policy by leveraging their own resources of narrative and culture creation. While states continue to remain most influential, the ability to shape preferences through attraction also belongs to civil society, digital networks, and transnational communities.6 As information and communication tools proliferate, soft power is no longer the exclusive domain of ministries and diplomats—it is increasingly wielded by storytellers, innovators, and activists across borders.7
Well-organized networks of non-state actors exert influence over both ruling elites and broader peoples in much the same way that states do, if not to the same degree. Through initiatives such as leadership exchange programs, intellectual retreats, fellowships, and transnational conferences, these networks can shape the thinking and loyalties of future decision-makers long before they assume positions of power. Simultaneously, civil society actors, media producers, and grassroots movements can shape public opinion, which in turn constrains or expands the political choices available to national leaders. In this way, organized non-state networks do not merely supplement official diplomacy—they increasingly define the cultural and ideological environment within which policy is forged.
Defining Ummatic Soft Power
For the Muslim world, which has faced political fragmentation and geopolitical marginalization in the modern era, soft power represents a starting point for global power development.8 Historically, Islamic civilization wielded immense influence not only through military conquests but also through the soft power of knowledge, culture, and values, shaping societies from West Africa to Southeast Asia. Today, the challenge lies in reasserting a coordinated ummatic presence in the global soft power landscape. This necessitates an approach that integrates the Umma “horizontally” by fostering cooperation across geographies within key fields, and “vertically” by connecting the masses and the elite within these societies to a shared ummatic vision of Islamic civilizational renewal.
In this context, the question of who wields soft power—on whose behalf, and upon whom—becomes central. Soft power, when grounded in an ummatic framework, must be wielded by those individuals, institutions, and networks that see themselves as trustees (amāna-holders) of the Umma’s moral, intellectual, and spiritual legacy. These are Globally Empowered Muslims (GEMs) comprising scholars, artists, educators, diplomats, entrepreneurs, and other civil society actors, whose loyalty lies not with parochial state interests or elite cliques, but with the ethical and civilizational mission of Islam.9 Their soft power is exercised in favor of the Umma as a whole: to champion its causes, defend its sanctities, give voice to its silenced, and advocate for its most vulnerable—whether in Gaza, Kashmir, Xinjiang, or the inner-city slums of Western cities.
This soft power acts, first and foremost, upon the Umma itself, by influencing the ideas, frames of thinking, aspirations, and choices of those who hold power and resources as well as the broader public, in addition to its friends and foes. This vision of soft power is not merely reactive or defensive, but generative: it creates alternatives, builds capacity, mitigates internal differences, mobilizes resources, and presents Islam as a living moral horizon for humanity. It resists both the dominance of foreign epistemes and the internal decay of sectarianism, nationalism, and moral confusion. In this sense, soft power becomes not just a strategic tool, as it arguably is within its original neoliberal framework, but a sacred trust—an instrument of mercy, resilience, and renewal in service of the global Umma.
Ummatic soft power can thus be defined as the capacity of the Umma to influence global behaviors, norms, and policies through the moral and cultural appeal of Islamic values and ethical principles. This influence is primarily exercised by self-organizing groups of GEMs who are proactive in leveraging their global networks to promote ummatic policies and behaviors to the masses and elites. In this sense, the purpose of ummatic soft power is not merely to transmit ideas or shape public opinion but to influence concrete behavioral outcomes that advance the ethical and political integration of the Umma.
For elites, the intended behavioral outcome is the adoption of policies that serve the collective interests of the Umma, promote ethical governance rooted in Islamic principles, and contribute to deeper integration across political, economic, sociocultural domains. Elites who act on such policies become agents of ummatic integration, drawing legitimacy from both their people and the moral authority of Islam. For the general people, ummatic soft power seeks to cultivate living expressions of Islamic ethics in the individuals and communities whose conduct, commitments, and creativity reflect the moral vision of Islam. Such public embodiment becomes itself a kind of “soft power daʾwa,” attracting others through the visible beauty and coherence of a life shaped by Islam. In addition, Muslim communities are called to reject divisive narratives, whether sectarian, ethnic, or nationalist, and to adopt and promote integrative discourses that reinforce the unity and mutual responsibility of the Umma. Their behavioral alignment, when widespread, creates bottom-up pressure on elites and sustains the moral ecosystem in which ummatic policies can thrive.
Soft Power’s Influence on Hard Power
Hard power routinely and visibly undermines soft power. The destruction of universities and cultural sites, the jailing of pro-Palestinian voices, and the censorship of dissenting narratives are prominently visible in our social media feeds—a sobering reminder of how force can suppress or distort the foundations of influence. But this relationship also moves in the other direction. Soft power can shape the decisions of the ruling elites who wield hard power by influencing how they perceive the world and therefore what policies they choose to pursue. In societies where non-state actors have some room to operate, the combined force of media, education, religious discourse, and public messaging can gradually shift the tone of political life. When public sentiment begins to shift, it becomes harder for policymakers to ignore new expectations. Even governments that are resistant to outside pressure may find themselves adjusting course to maintain credibility and control.
In more closed political environments where civil society is constrained, soft power assumes subtler forms—operating not through public discourse, but within elite circles, private networks, and long-term cultural and relational formation. In these contexts, states may try to control the tools of soft power, framing propaganda as patriotism or repression as stability. Yet even under these conditions, the resources of soft power remain present. They surface in literature, in mentorship, in the quiet work of scholars, artists, and organizers. Where they cannot yet change state behavior, they still strengthen moral clarity and collective resolve. In this way, soft power can continue to operate, even in the face of severe political constraints.10
Practically speaking, the Umma today lives under a patchwork of political orders, each shaped by distinct histories, geographies, and constellations of power. Within these varied contexts live differing thresholds of possibility: some regions permit modest spaces for civil society and independent initiative; others crush such spaces under the weight of authoritarian fiat or foreign dependency, or both. Yet across this fractured landscape, the seeds of ummatic soft power continue to exist, though dispersed and uncoordinated. From local waqf networks to media platforms, academic institutions to humanitarian corridors, the infrastructure of influence is already in motion, though not yet harmonized. What is needed is a region-by-region diagnosis that recognizes these differential constraints and openings, and crafts bespoke strategies to cultivate soft power that can meaningfully engage, and ultimately reshape, the hard power realities that define the Umma’s present condition.
The ultimate objective of ummatic soft power in engaging ruling elites is to influence behavioral outcomes that promote and implement policies aligned with greater ummatic integration. This influence is directed toward actionable policy shifts and the operational alignment of regional governance structures. For instance, these networks may seek to persuade elites to adopt integration-enabling policies such as tariff reduction, visa liberalization, and shared infrastructure investment. They may also encourage participation in transnational institutions—whether in finance, media, or ethics—that can anchor cooperative governance across Muslim-majority societies. Additionally, they can aim to secure legal and administrative reforms that facilitate cross-border collaboration among Islamic institutions. Together, these efforts can work toward a strategic goal: the development of the conditions for the integration and unification of the Umma into a more cohesive political, economic, and civilizational bloc.
A qualification is in order here: while soft power carries immense potential for change through shaping perceptions, influencing elites, and creating favorable conditions for change, it also faces inherent limitations when operating without the enforcement mechanisms and coercive capabilities of hard power, such as military strength, legal authority, and governance capacity. The transformative social change the Umma seeks cannot rely solely on attraction and persuasion; it requires the strategic integration of both soft and hard power to achieve lasting impact—a synergy described as “smart power.”11 Nonetheless, even in the absence of immediate hard power leverage, soft power can accomplish significant progress by building moral clarity, strengthening collective resolve, and gradually shifting the political and cultural landscape. Through persistent cultivation of values, coalitions, and intellectual leadership, soft power lays the essential groundwork for eventual structural transformation, making it an indispensable foundation in the broader struggle for Umma integration and unity.
Collaboratives of Ummatic Soft Power (CUSPs)
Translating this vision of developing and enhancing ummatic soft power into sustained global impact requires strategic coordination through structured yet flexible mechanisms. This calls for the establishment of what we may call “collaboratives of ummatic soft power” (CUSPs)— transnational, decentralized networks which serve as the operational nodes designed to harness the diverse capabilities of the global Umma and channel them toward shaping global narratives, policies, and norms.12
These collaboratives must be ummatic in orientation, rooted in the Islamic tradition and formed as a collective expression of the Umma’s will, not beholden to tribal, national, or factional interests. They are not secular projects with merely worldly aims, but endeavors of moral weight and religious purpose, undertaken in obedience to Allah and in service of His command to enjoin good, speak truth, and build a just order. For this reason, ʿilm must anchor every aspect of their work, and the ʿulamāʾ as the carriers of the Islamic scholarly tradition must have a guiding role in ensuring their epistemic and ethical integrity. Their presence will be essential not only to shaping the ummatic (Umma-oriented) character of each CUSP, but also to its internal processes of reflection, correction, and renewal.
Along with ummatic orientation, the decentralized structure of CUSPs ensures long-term continuity and resilience, preventing dependence on any single institution or authority. They ought to be representative of the Umma’s vast geography and diverse sectors, allowing for the inclusion of distinct regional insights, professional expertise, and linguistic-cultural richness. Additionally, CUSPs must be fortified with a spirit of cooperation and collaboration. Rather than avoiding disagreement, these collaboratives must be able to manage deep differences ecumenically by adopting inclusive procedures and principled deliberative methods that allow for ikhtilāf (legitimate difference) while maintaining collective purpose and adherence to Islamic ethics and law. Finally, to protect against mission drift or co-optation, CUSPs must be designed to be self-correcting. Internal mechanisms for reflection and accountability should be built into their structure, drawing on both ethical deliberation and scholarly review.
All of this is easier said than done. Voluntary coordination among diverse individuals, organizations, and networks is complex and challenging. Differences in priorities, thinking, and regional contexts can hinder cooperation, and sustaining trust and accountability requires ongoing effort. Effective collaboration demands pragmatic governance structures and conflict management to navigate disagreements without fracturing unity. Acknowledging and addressing these challenges is essential to grounding the vision of CUSPs in practical realities, not wishful thinking. That said, others have shown significant results from well-organized coordination. If they can do it, Muslims, motivated by divine obligation and assisted by divine facilitation (tawfīq), ought to do better.
These CUSPs will serve four key functions: (1) defining strategic goals in their respective sectors, rooted in the ethical imperatives of Islam and the needs of the global Umma; (2) assessing the current ummatic soft power landscape to identify opportunities and gaps; (3) crafting actionable recommendations and interventions; and (4) fostering networks of trust and collaboration among individuals and institutions committed to ummatic renewal. In institutionalizing these collaboratives, the Umma can begin to act with strategic coherence, projecting a moral and intellectual presence on the global stage that is self-generated and sustained by its own internal strength, rather than dependent on nation-states or external validation.13
Categories of Soft Power: A Framework for Ummatic Strategy
Figure 1 Elements of Ummatic Soft Power
Ummatic soft power is best understood not as a collection of isolated sectors, but as a layered architecture comprising three levels: foundation, formulation, and projection. It begins with foundation: a worldview grounded in revelation, ethical principles, and shared identity. From there, it moves to formulation, where this worldview is translated into the language of institutions, manifest in law, education, economics, and public welfare. Finally, it reaches projection, the domain of dissemination, where ideas are communicated across communities and borders through media, narrative, and technology.
In this structure, we distinguish between potential soft power—the intrinsic appeal of Islamic meanings or institutions—and actual soft power, which arises only when that appeal inspires admiration, imitation, or alignment. Soft power, then, is not merely the presence of meaning—it is meaning that moves, reshapes perceptions, and ultimately transforms behavior across societies and states.
To move from potential to actual soft power, the Umma must present Islam not only as true, but as beautiful, functional, and liberating in the lives of individuals and societies. The following eight categories—religion; culture, arts, and sports; law; education and intellectual activity; economics and business; healthcare and humanitarian work, media and narrative, and technology and AI—represent key arenas through which ummatic soft power can be cultivated, directed, and mobilized. Each plays a unique role in shaping perceptions, influencing decisions, and attracting hearts and minds—both among the Muslim masses and elites.14
1. Religion
Religious soft power is the foundational source from which all ummatic soft power flows. Islam is not merely a set of universal values or spiritual sentiments. It is a comprehensive way of life (dīn) that permeates every sphere of human activity. It provides a coherent worldview, a binding system of ethics, and a divinely revealed legal and moral framework that governs individual conduct, social relationships, institutional design, and international affairs. What sets ummatic soft power apart from secular or neoliberal models is its grounding not in political ideals, “national interest”, or cultural appeal alone, but in divine revelation. When authentically practiced, Islam draws people through its moral clarity and spiritual integrity, while also guiding rulers with ethical constraints and religious legitimacy. Religious soft power animates every other domain of ummatic influence—it gives moral purpose to education, ethical limits to media, justice to law, and an orienting telos to technology and economics. Without it, the project risks becoming technical or soulless; with it, every field becomes an act of worship, a form of daʿwa, and a contribution to the ummatic mandate of standing in witness to humanity.15
2. Culture, Arts & Sports
Religion provides the normative foundation, offering a divinely revealed worldview that includes law, ethics, purpose, and ultimate accountability. It is the source of legitimacy, meaning, and coherence across all spheres of life. Culture, by contrast, is the embodied expression of that worldview, showing how divine guidance is lived and transmitted through aesthetics, behavior, and symbolism. Cultural expression gives form and emotion to religious values through literature, art, cinema, architecture, and sports. Civilizations have long extended their influence by exporting compelling stories and symbols, as seen in the global impact of Hollywood or South Korean media. In the context of the Umma, cultural productions such as Turkish historical dramas like Diriliş Ertuğrul have revived historical consciousness and offered powerful alternatives to dominant Western narratives.16
Muslim athletes who embody discipline, humility, and devotion often become symbols of ethical excellence in the global arena. Muhammad Ali remains one of the most iconic examples, using his platform not only to speak against injustice but to openly represent Islam to the world. More recently, figures like Khabib Nurmagomedov in mixed martial arts and Sadio Mané in football have captured global attention through their unapologetic faith, integrity, and service.17 Their conduct challenges prevailing stereotypes and offers a compelling portrait of what it means to be both a Muslim and a competitor at the highest level. For the Umma, the distinction between religion and culture matters deeply: without religion, culture risks becoming unanchored or commodified. A deliberate cultural strategy grounded in Islamic ethics can generate a global ecosystem of storytelling, aesthetics, and artistic performance that makes Islam’s commitments visible, attractive, and transformative in the global imagination.
3. Law
Unlike the previous two categories, law belongs to the set of professional fields through which the Islamic worldview is manifested across institutions and public life. The Islamic legal tradition is not merely a religious code for private life. It is a comprehensive, ethical-legal system that has governed and shaped Islamic civilization and continues to offer a deeply resonant model for ordering public life today.
For Islamic jurists and legal scholars, legal soft power opens the space to reclaim thought leadership on matters of law and justice, both domestically and internationally. Domestically, ummatic legal soft power is the articulation of a way of life that reflects the Umma’s faith-based commitments. The law becomes a means of aligning everyday life with divine intent, whether in matters of personal status, commerce, governance, or international conduct. Survey after survey confirms that Muslims in countries across Asia, Africa, and the Middle East overwhelmingly support faith-based legal frameworks rooted in their religious tradition.18 Internationally, there is a need for principled articulation of Islamic legal frameworks that address contemporary challenges such as migration, economic inequality, war, and digital rights, not only for Muslims, but as contributions to global legal and ethical debates. This is the real test of soft power: when Islamic reasoning is not only tolerated but sought out, not only familiar but formative in shaping global norms.
For Muslim legal professionals, particularly in the realm of international law, there are two complementary paths to deploying ummatic legal soft power. First, they may introduce Islamic logics into broader legal discourse. This expands the normative landscape of international law and challenges its secular confines. Second, they may operate within existing secular legal frameworks with exceptional integrity and consistency, thereby exposing the contradictions and hypocrisies of those systems. South Africa’s genocide case against Israel at the ICJ is a striking example.19 The legal challenge, led in part by Muslim South African lawyers, did not invoke Islam directly. Yet it reflected Islamic values of justice, protection of life, and accountability. In doing so, it turned the tools of international law against their selective enforcers, revealing the hollowness of “universal” norms when applied unequally. When Muslims demonstrate that they can not only navigate but shape the highest levels of legal discourse, Islam’s legal tradition re-emerges as a serious civilizational voice capable of influencing how the world defines justice itself.
4. Education and Intellectual Activity
Educational and intellectual soft power is a key channel through which Islam’s worldview shapes both internal coherence within the Umma and external influence on global thought. This domain extends beyond institutions of learning to the deeper project of knowledge production—the development of conceptual frameworks, fields of inquiry, and genres of analysis that reflect the Islamic intellectual tradition and resonate beyond it.
For Muslim communities, education rooted in this paradigm cultivates a commitment to civilizational contribution and a deep sense of collective responsibility. Its goal is to cultivate individuals who generate and apply knowledge in service of both the Umma and humanity at large. Curricula shaped by this vision prepare Muslims to contribute across disciplines as morally grounded innovative thinkers. For Muslim scholars, academics, and educators, the central task is to lead this epistemic project. Their role is to preserve inherited knowledge as well as build new fields and methods of inquiry that are both faithful to Islam and relevant to contemporary challenges. The goal is to produce ideas and frameworks that shape the Umma’s internal development while gaining currency in global academic and policy discourse. This includes advancing both the theoretical foundations and the practical knowledge necessary for fostering ummatic solidarity and political, economic, and intellectual integration.
One of the long-term outcomes of this knowledge ecosystem is the formation of a contributor class of Muslims, who emerge from this intellectual environment equipped to serve the Umma and humanity. Among them are those who become future elites: diplomats, technocrats, educators, and thought leaders who carry the worldview of Islam into the institutions that shape public life. Today, the challenge is to re-establish an integrated network of ummatic universities, think tanks, and knowledge centers capable of advancing Islamic intellectual contributions to modern global challenges, from AI ethics to political economy. In this effort, exchange programs and fellowships function as soft power instruments, building long-term relationships with future elites, transmitting paradigms, and cultivating transnational alignment rooted in shared vision.
5. Economics and Business
The strategic value of economic soft power lies in fostering cooperation and capacity across Muslim societies, as well as offering a principled alternative to dominant global paradigms. This task falls to a new generation of Muslim economists, investors, and business leaders. Their collaboration with scholars and educational institutions must yield not only technical models, but a compelling economic worldview rooted in divine and worldly accountability, mutual care, ecological sensitivity, and restraint. When lived with integrity, this vision becomes a source of moral authority and public admiration.
At the governmental level, these actors must press for policy shifts that affirm Islamic economic principles. When these proposals are delivered with technical rigor and moral clarity, they enable states to align with ummatic values without sacrificing development. Among the masses, the figure of the ethical Muslim businessperson—transparent, generous, spiritually grounded—ought to be a global symbol of economic integrity. Across cultures, these exemplars demonstrate that Islamic principles are not barriers to success but its foundation. By anchoring the economy in the moral universe of Islam, ummatic economic soft power makes the pursuit of wealth a path to integration, not disintegration.
6. Healthcare and Humanitarian Work
The preservation of human life is among the objectives (maqāṣid) of the Sharīʿa. Within the Islamic tradition, the dignity of life is not simply a moral aspiration but a juridical and theological priority that grounds the legitimacy of social, political, and institutional action. In the context of ummatic soft power, this principle provides a compelling foundation for cross-border cooperation in healthcare delivery and humanitarian relief. It also furnishes a deeply resonant narrative through which the Umma may project ethical authority both internally and globally.
The exercise of soft power in this domain relies on transnational networks of physicians, public health experts, relief organizations, and policy advocates who are committed to the Qur’anic imperative of protecting life and alleviating suffering. Their work demonstrates the practical application of Islamic ethics under conditions of crisis and constraint. Internationally recognized institutions such as Médecins Sans Frontières (Doctors Without Borders) have long illustrated how non-state medical actors can wield significant soft power by prioritizing upholding the dignity of human life. Muslim healthcare workers have likewise emerged as powerful symbols of ethical commitment, particularly those who placed their very lives in danger to care for the wounded in Gaza during the current genocide. Their actions became a form of moral witness, offering a stark contrast to the geopolitical silence of many states and reshaping global perceptions of the ethical stakes in the conflict.
At the level of governmental elites, ummatic healthcare and humanitarian actors can influence policy by (1) demonstrating the feasibility of cooperative medical infrastructure, and (2) establishing normative expectations regarding the state’s responsibility to protect life across borders. These initiatives include advocating for shared pharmaceutical procurement, coordinated emergency response protocols, and cross-border medical education partnerships. The presence of effective, values-driven interventions places pressure on governments to support or replicate these efforts, especially when public admiration for such actors is high.
7. Media and Narrative
Media and narrative initiate the third tier of ummatic soft power: the projection infrastructure through which Islamic worldview and institutional expression are communicated across communities, generations, and geographies. If religion and culture form the core, and professions articulate this core in the world, media determines who hears, sees, and remembers it. It is not an accessory to power, but a primary vector through which legitimacy, identity, and imagination are shaped.
Unlike the centralized control of legacy state media, ummatic soft power in this domain must be built through decentralized but collaborative networks of content producers, journalists, strategists, and storytellers. These may include narrative production studios that craft film and documentary content; independent news and analysis platforms offering geopolitical and ethical frames; podcasting hubs that deepen ideological formation; media training institutes that form value-driven communicators; and digital platforms that bypass hostile infrastructures to amplify Muslim voices. Each organization functions independently but aligns with a shared ummatic vision grounded in Islamic ethics and civilizational renewal.
Narrative framing determines the moral vocabulary of policymaking: when a siege is named a genocide, when resistance is framed as dignity, when occupation is defined in Qur’anic terms, the political landscape shifts. Elites are not only pressured by public sentiment but are increasingly held accountable to the moral frames that media ecosystems normalize. For the masses, media shapes belonging, aspiration, and moral clarity. It counters inferiority complexes, undermines sectarian narratives, and constructs a shared imaginary in which the Umma is not merely reactive but creatively engaged with the world. In this way, the ethical Muslim storyteller, journalist, or filmmaker becomes a new ummatic archetype.
8. Technology & AI
While modern discourse often presents scientific advancement as a value-free process, it is in fact guided by underlying assumptions—about purpose, value, and the human condition. Under capitalism, the dominant logic has prioritized innovation as a vehicle for control, extraction, and profit, often severed from ethical constrain or metaphysical direction. In contrast, an Islamic paradigm of scientific inquiry and technological development is rooted in the principle of khilāfa and ʿibāda, the pursuit of knowledge of the world in order as better serve our Creator as His stewards on the earth.
Ummatic soft power in this domain must therefore advance not merely the addition of ethics to existing systems, but the development and normalization of Islamic intellectual frameworks that inform how scientific and technological questions are asked, interpreted, and operationalized. This includes approaches to environmental stewardship, biotechnology, data governance, and artificial intelligence. In each case, the question is not simply “what can be done,” but “what ought to be done,” and on whose terms and to what ends.
At the most practical level, ummatic soft power requires the creation of an independent technological infrastructure—a decentralized Ummatic Tech Stack—capable of serving the communication, security, data, and knowledge needs of the global Umma. Today, every layer of technological dependency, from the physical layer to the application layer, resides in states that have directly or indirectly enabled or justified the destruction of life and seek to muzzle voices that speak out against injustice. These systems suppress critical voices or collapse entire networks at the moment of greatest need.20 A credible soft power strategy demands the construction of secure, sovereign digital infrastructure that is guided by Islamic values and resilient in the face of external coercion.
In the realm of artificial intelligence, the stakes are equally high. AI systems increasingly govern perception, access, decision-making, and even law enforcement. Without the proactive inclusion of Islamic ethical frameworks, these technologies will simply replicate and accelerate global patterns of exploitation and moral erosion. Ummatic soft power must therefore operate on three fronts: (1) developing substantive Islamic perspectives on AI ethics; (2) influencing global discourse such that these perspectives are seen as viable and attractive; and (3) implementing them in actual technologies, through ummatic research labs, ethical standards, and applied AI platforms.
Such influence is not gained merely through critique, but through demonstration of viable alternatives. Muslim technologists, ethicists, and designers must build systems that show what it means for technology to serve human dignity, ecological balance, and divine purpose. Over time, this will position the Umma not as a lagging recipient of global technological currents, but as a source of civilizational guidance in our age of profound transformation.
Directional Ummatic Integration
As noted above, the objective of soft power is to influence behavioral outcomes. This form of influence can be understood to operate across three dimensions: its scope (who is influencing whom), its domain (the areas in which influence is exerted), and its means (how that influence is achieved).21 To build a unified and impactful Umma, ummatic soft power must be applied along two interdependent axes of integration based upon scope:
Vertical Integration: This involves influencing both elites and the general population. On one end, soft power seeks to influence elites within the Umma by encouraging specific outcomes, such as the adoption of ummatic policy recommendations, the promotion of ethical governance, and the strengthening of institutional ties that reflect shared Islamic principles. On the other end, it seeks to influence the general population towards enhanced Islamic literacy, alignment with ummatic interests, and the rejection of false or divisive narratives. Vertical integration ensures that ummatic values and objectives are internalized across all levels of society, from leadership to everyday citizens.
Horizontal Integration: This comprises connecting Muslim communities across regions, cultures, and linguistic boundaries by fostering a shared sense of purpose, identity, and ethical vision. Geographic integration allows the Umma to pool its diverse talents, making it possible to act collectively and strategically on the global stage. By promoting unity through diversity, horizontal integration transforms fragmented efforts into a coherent, transnational soft power force.
Unlike nation-states that often deploy soft power as a top-down governmental strategy, the Umma’s approach to soft power should be decentralized and organic. A self-organizing model will allow various non-state actors, including religious scholars, cultural influencers, educational institutions, and civil society organizations, to contribute to a cohesive soft power strategy. Such a grassroots approach ensures that the projection of soft power authentically reflects the diverse yet unified will of the global Muslim community.
Coordinating Layers of Ummatic Soft Power for Maximum Impact
Even without a shared strategy, the sheer scale and influence of the Umma’s soft power have been on full display in recent global events. The boycotts of multinational corporations like Starbucks and KFC, as well as the online mobilization to counter algorithmic suppression of Palestinian narratives, have demonstrated the latent potential of ummatic influence. These actions were neither state-led nor the result of a pre-planned strategy; rather, they were spontaneous expressions of ummatic will—an organic yet powerful assertion of agency.
The Starbucks and KFC boycotts were not simply symbolic protests; they translated into measurable economic consequences. Reports indicate that Starbucks experienced a 20% drop in share price leading to a rebuke from its founder and the replacement of the current CEO.22 KFC saw closures in multiple locations due to plummeting demand, including the recent bankruptcy of the operator of KFC and Pizza Hut in Turkey, closing 537 outlets due to Gaza-related boycotts.23
Despite this, the impact could have been even greater with strategic coordination. While the boycotts were effective in cutting profits, they lacked a structured plan to redirect economic activity into alternative businesses within the Umma. With a $2 trillion halal economy and an estimated $550 billion in annual zakat contributions, the Umma already possesses immense economic leverage, yet much of it remains untapped due to a lack of strategy and institutional infrastructure.24 A well-coordinated effort could not only punish corporations complicit in injustice but also create permanent shifts in economic power by investing in ummatic alternatives.
Another striking example of the Umma’s uncoordinated yet formidable soft power potential was its ability to overwhelm digital algorithms that attempted to suppress Palestinian voices. Social media giants were accused of shadow-banning pro-Palestine content, making it harder for people to see posts related to the crisis. In response, millions of Muslims and allies flooded social media with hashtags, reposts, and alternative phrasing to bypass algorithmic suppression, forcing the issue onto the global stage.25
This effort revealed two key strengths of ummatic soft power: the ability to organically mobilize millions online thereby shifting digital narratives despite platform suppression, and the presence of influential Muslim voices in global media and activism who amplified the message. Yet, this movement also highlighted a crucial weakness. The Umma’s reliance on platforms controlled by external powers leaves our narratives vulnerable to censorship. A sustainable ummatic media strategy requires the creation of independent platforms, AI-driven content distribution, and investment in alternative digital ecosystems to prevent reliance on platforms that actively work against Muslim interests.26
Beyond reactive movements, the Umma already possesses significant structural advantages that, if harnessed properly, could provide enduring soft power influence. Despite these strengths, the Umma remains disorganized in how it wields its soft power. Without institutional coordination and strategic leadership, its impact remains sporadic rather than systematic. The successes of boycotts and digital activism show what is possible when Muslims act collectively, but they also expose the need for a structured framework that transforms reactive power into proactive influence.
Soft power is most effective when its layers operate in concert rather than in isolation. In the context of the Umma, this means aligning various forms of influence—media, business, scholarship, grassroots activism, and religious leadership—into a coordinated force that produces tangible and reproducible outcomes. Isolated efforts, no matter how noble, often fail to create lasting change. But when these layers of ummatic soft power collaborate strategically, they can amplify and sustain impact, resulting in a shift of global narratives in favor of a more empowered Umma.
Consider again the case of boycotts. Imagine a scenario where a successful boycott effort is reinforced by multiple layers of ummatic soft power, such as:
Media & PR Strategy: Instead of scattered social media campaigns, major ummatic media outlets coordinate coverage, highlight compelling stories that shape global discourse.
Alternative Business Ecosystems: Rather than merely withdrawing financial support, business leaders and economists in the Umma work to promote Islamic ethical alternatives—whether in banking, consumer goods, or services—to redirect spending in ways that strengthen the Umma’s economic autonomy.
Scholarly & Religious Endorsements: Leading scholars provide a structured moral and legal framework, ensuring that the boycott is not just emotionally driven but also theologically grounded, giving it long-term credibility and guidance.
Grassroots Mobilization: Community organizers, activists, and educators develop localized efforts that ensure mass participation, making the boycott a sustained movement rather than a short-lived reaction.
This multi-layered approach transforms a boycott from a temporary protest into a sustainable economic shift, reinforcing the principles of justice and self-reliance within the Umma. Another example is media influence, which is often fragmented and reactionary. A coordinated effort among ummatic scholars, social entrepreneurs, and technologists could yield a global, self-sustaining Muslim media ecosystem that is not dependent on reactionary narratives but actively setting the discourse. This could involve:
Academia & Think Tanks: Providing research and intellectual depth to media discussions, ensuring that coverage is analytically robust and not merely reactive.
Technology & AI: Developing algorithms and platforms that prioritize ummatic narratives, preventing reliance on external media infrastructures that distort or suppress them.
Business Experts: Funding and promoting media ventures to make them financially independent and competitive in global markets.
By aligning different layers of soft power in creative ways, the Umma can move beyond symbolic gestures toward systemic change. Isolated efforts struggle against the inertia of global structures, but a harmonized, cross-sector ummatic approach ensures that initiatives are not only effective but reproducible and institutionally embedded. The goal is not simply to resist external pressures but to proactively and continuously shape the world through a justice-based vision.
Conclusion: The Strategic Imperative of Ummatic Soft Power
The revival of the Umma as a globally influential civilization requires a deliberate and strategic approach. The Qur’an establishes the Umma’s role as a model for the world, a responsibility that cannot be fulfilled without intellectual, cultural, and moral leadership.27 The Prophet H described the Umma as a single body of parts that feel and react to the suffering of each other.28 Soft power, when fully realized, is the circulatory system of this body, uniting its intellect, industry, and influence into a singular force that expresses its will with clarity and confidence. Each of its eight layers is not merely a tool for influence but a means of demonstrating the loftiness of Islamic values.
In every domain, the Umma must embody excellence, justice, and purpose, not as a reaction to external pressures, but as an assertion of its divine mandate. The Prophet H instructed iḥsān in all things.29 This iḥsān must define the development and deployment of ummatic soft power, ensuring that our storytelling inspires, our knowledge elevates, our markets enrich, and our diplomacy uplifts—not just Muslims, but all of humanity.
Beyond showcasing the beauty of Islam, each layer of soft power must be wielded to contribute towards the achievement of independence and self-determination. Excellence in education must liberate us from intellectual dependency; dominance in media must allow us to set, not follow, the global discourse; and mastery of finance and technology must end reliance on systems that undermine our sovereignty. The aim is not just to resist oppression but to render it irrelevant, building a world where the Umma is not at the mercy of external forces but a body that moves with its own will, guided by its own heart, in the service of its Creator.
Soft power alone will not achieve these objectives or resolve all challenges in their path, but it lays the foundation and can take us a long way towards them, allowing the Umma to shape global discourse through attraction, moral authority, and strategic vision. We are living at a critical juncture of modern history, one where the callousness and hypocrisy of the supposed “rules-based” international order has been made plain for all to see, and the desire for the Umma to initiate change is on the rise. Yet civilizations rise not through reactionary resistance but through the ability to define their own narratives on their own terms. By investing in cohesive, strategic soft power initiatives, the Umma can move to reclaim its leadership with the help of Allah—not by following global trends, but by setting them.
Ashraf Motiwala
Ashraf Motiwala serves as the President of the Ummatics Institute. He co-founded the Yaqeen Institute for Islamic Research and serves as an advisor/investor to for-profit and non-profit organizations. Prior, he co-founded and exited multiple software and consulting companies. He completed a Masters in Liberal Studies (Global Studies) from Southern Methodist University and Bachelors in Information Systems and Philosophy from SUNY Stony Brook.
Notes
“Umma is a term defined and honored in the Qurʾan to refer to the community of the followers of the Final Prophet, Muhammad ﷺ, one that is declared “the best community brought forth for humankind” (3:110), ennobled by Allah as “the most balanced community” (2:143) that has been called to “hold on to the rope of Allah all together” (3:103) and to call humankind to what is good.” Ovamir Anjum, “What is Ummatics?,” Ummatics, March 9, 2023, https://ummatics.org/ummatics-foundations/what-is-ummatics/
Forthcoming papers will address these elements of the Ummatic method for change in greater detail, inshāʾAllāh.
Joseph S. Nye, “Public Diplomacy and Soft Power,” Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 616, no. 1 (2008): 94.
In this paper, elites refer broadly to individuals or groups with disproportionate power, influence, or access to decision-making. While some theorists view elites as an inevitable ruling minority, democratic theorists distinguish them from the general public, and international relations scholars focus on actors shaping global policy. In political economy, elites are often defined by control over capital and ideology. Across disciplines, the term relatively consistently denotes those whose choices shape collective outcomes. For a more expansive discussion, see John Higley, Elites, Non-Elites, and Political Realism: Diminishing Futures for Western Societies (Rowman & Littlefield, 2021), 4-9.
Joseph S. Nye, Soft Power: The Means to Success in World Politics (New York: Public Affairs, 2004), 90-99.
Margaret E. Keck and Kathryn Sikkink, Activists Beyond Borders: Advocacy Networks in International Politics (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1998), 20-28.
This point does not aim to diminish the significant soft power capacity of states but rather highlights the evolving nature of soft power resources and the growing opportunities for non-state actors. In the words of Nye, the “information revolution makes states more porous. Governments now have to share the stage with actors who can use information to enhance their soft power and press governments directly, or indirectly by mobilizing their publics.” Joseph Nye, Soft Power, 91.
Joseph Nye’s concept of “soft power” provides a valuable foundational framework for understanding how the Umma might reclaim influence through attraction and cultural-moral appeal. At the same time, if the essence of this notion is to highlight non-coercive forms of power and their potential, there are other critical frameworks that theorize in this area from different perspectives, such as Antonio Gramsci’s theory of cultural hegemony, Michel Foucault’s notion of productive power, Pierre Bourdieu’s analysis of symbolic domination, and Hannah Arendt’s concept of collective action, among others. While beyond the scope of this paper, a deeper analysis on the value of these theorizations for ummatic thought and practice is called for.
Globally Empowered Muslims (GEMs) refers to individuals who are: (a) globally connected through education, technology, and professional networks; (b) actively engaged in using their skills, knowledge, and influence to positively impact the Umma in ways that transcends nation-state boundaries and divisions; and (c) with a focus on unity, renewal, and ethical action grounded in Islamic norms and principles.
Within authoritarian regimes, elites often organize into factions or networks based on personal ties, shared interests, or institutional affiliations. These networks can become channels for exerting influence on the regime’s decision-making processes (John Higley and Michael G. Burton, Elite Foundations of Liberal Democracy (Lanham, MD: Rowman and Littlefield, 2006). Social movement theorists have described the dynamic relationship between social movements and the state, albeit without using the term “soft power.” When the state responds to social movements’ efforts to influence outcomes with repressive measures, the social movement may respond by expanding its goals to include regime change. In this way, social movements may shift their strategies from using persuasion (i.e. soft power) into revolutionary movements, and vice versa in the case of state democratization. See Jack A. Goldstone, Social Movements or Revolutions? On the Evolution and Outcomes of Collective Action (Lanham, MD: Rowman and Littlefield, 1998), 128-129.
Joseph S. Nye, “Get Smart: Combining Hard and Soft Power,” Foreign Affairs 88, no. 4 (2009): 160–63.
I am grateful to Dr. Youssef Chouhoud for the recommendation of the clever acronym signifying the unique opportunity to foster change.
This section provides an initial framing of the concept of collaboratives of ummatic soft power. Further work is required to explore structure, procedures, participation, membership, and related operational mechanisms to ensure adherence to ummatic objectives, while functioning effectively across diverse contexts. For an innovative potential application of an ummatic soft power structure, see Mohammed Ashour’s presentation on “The Ummatic Passport” at the Ummatics Conference 2024 in Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=WJ9lHNDP9_E.
Soft power categorizations have been debated within the academic literature. Nye identifies soft power as arising from a country’s culture, political values, and foreign policies, primarily from the perspective of the interest of the nation state. McClory critiques this view and expands the categories to five: government, culture, diplomacy, education, and business/innovation. See Jonathan McClory, “The New Persuaders II: A 2011 Global Ranking of Soft Power,” Institute for Government, Jan 12, 2011, http://www.instituteforgovernment.org.uk/publications/new-persuaders-ii. This paper proposes eight categories of soft power as it relates to the Umma while acknowledging the possibility of alternative categorizations.
For examples of current-day use (and one may argue, misuse) of religious soft power, see Peter Mandaville and Shadi Hamid, Islam as Statecraft: How Governments Use Religion in Foreign Policy (Washington, DC: Brookings Institution Press, 2018); and Ahmet Öztürk, “Religious Soft Power: Definition(s), Limits and Usage,” Religions 14, no. 2 (2023): 135.
Zafer Yörük and Pantelis Vatikiotis, “Soft Power or Illusion of Hegemony: The Case of the Turkish Soap Opera ‘Colonialism’,” International Journal of Communication 7 (2013): 2361–2380.
Abdullah Al-Arian (ed.), Football in the Middle East: State, Society, and the Beautiful Game (London: Hurst, 2022).
“Since the October 7 attack, the Palestinian Observatory of Digital Rights Violations has recordedmore than 1,350 instances of online censorship from major platforms through an open call on their website through July 1, 2024, with most of the reports related to Meta, TikTok, X, and Youtube.” Anna Desmarais, “Human Rights NGOs Say Social Media Platforms Continue to Censor Pro-Palestine Content,” Euronews, October 7, 2024, https://www.euronews.com/next/2024/10/07/human-rights-ngos-say-social-media-platforms-continue-to-censor-pro-palestine-content.
Joseph S. Nye, The Future of Power (New York: Public Affairs, 2004), 5-10.
Waqas Ahmed, Nicholas Rodelo, Ryan Grim, and Murtaza Hussain, “Leaked Data Reveals Massive Israeli Campaign to Remove Pro-Palestine Posts on Facebook and Instagram,” Drop Site News, April 11, 2025, https://www.dropsitenews.com/p/leaked-data-israeli-censorship-meta.
The Umma urgently requires its own independent tech stack to safeguard its voice, values, and digital sovereignty from external powers that routinely censor, surveil, and suppress Muslim discourse. The topic of an Ummatic Tech Stack will be addressed in an upcoming paper, inshā’Allah.
Qur’an, al-Baqara 2:143.
Bukhārī, 6011.
Muslim, 1955.
Ashraf Motiwala
Ashraf Motiwala serves as the President of the Ummatics Institute. He co-founded the Yaqeen Institute for Islamic Research and serves as an advisor/investor to for-profit and non-profit organizations. Prior, he co-founded and exited multiple software and consulting companies. He completed a Masters in Liberal Studies (Global Studies) from Southern Methodist University and Bachelors in Information Systems and Philosophy from SUNY Stony Brook.
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